In addition to wanting to hold correct beliefs about the world, people are motivated to be accepted by other group members. The desire for social acceptance is very powerful in a wide range of situations and explains why people are typically quite uncomfortable if they think others currently reject them or are likely to do so in the future.

People sometimes conform to groups because they are motivated to be liked (or at least not disliked) and believe that other members will feel more kindly toward them if they conform to rather than deviate from group norms. That kind of conformity reflects what Deutsch and Gerard labeled normative influence. In general, normative influence produces public compliance but not private acceptance. That is illustrated in the work of Asch, as discussed above.

Group members exhibit more conformity when working toward a common goal rather than toward individual goals, presumably because they believe that deviance on their part will be punished more severely in the former case. As might be expected, however, conformity in common-goal groups is substantially reduced if members believe that such behaviour will lower the group’s probability of attaining a positive outcome. Another factor that increases normative influence is surveillance by other group members. People who are concerned about others’ evaluations ought to conform more when their behaviour is public than when it is private, and conformity is in fact higher in the former condition.

It should be noted that group members do reject people who deviate from the group consensus. Factors influencing the likelihood of rejection include the extremity and content of the deviate’s position, the presumed reason for the deviate’s behaviour, and the deviate’s status in the group.

Mixed cases

Although informational and normative influences have been discussed here as though they are mutually exclusive, they occur simultaneously in at least some group situations. That is a major premise of social-identity theory, which examines how the self-concept is influenced by social-group membership. Social-identity theory assumes that disagreement with others produces uncertainty only when one expects to agree with those people. For that reason, disagreement with in-group members produces more uncertainty than disagreement with out-group members. In addition, the theory assumes that some in-group members are more influential than others.

More specifically, a member’s influence depends on how much that member’s position embodies what is unique about the group—the norm that differentiates the in-group from out-groups. Members who are closer to that norm are more influential than those who are farther from it. Finally, the theory assumes that conformity involves private acceptance as well as public compliance, because people believe that in-group norms provide valid evidence about reality. A substantial amount of research is consistent with the social-identity explanation of conformity.

Individual differences

Every conformity experiment has found that some people conform more than others. By using analytic techniques that combined the results of many studies, the American psychologists Alice Eagly and Linda Carli found that women were more influenceable than men, particularly in conformity experiments that did not involve surveillance and in attitude-change studies where participants listened to persuasive communications. The most plausible explanation is that most men are socialized to be more dominant and assertive than are most women, and most people of both sexes are more likely to exhibit such gender-consistent behaviour in public (group-pressure) settings than in private settings.

The psychologists Michael Bond and Peter Smith examined cultural differences in conformity by analyzing the results of studies involving participants from 17 countries. They measured the relationship between the extent of individualism or collectivism in the countries involved and the amount of conformity that residents displayed on Asch’s line-judgment task. Individualism is a cultural orientation that emphasizes independence, autonomy, and self-reliance. Collectivism is a cultural orientation that emphasizes interdependence, cooperation, and social harmony.

Bond and Smith found that cultural values were indeed related to conformity: people in collectivist cultures displayed more conformity than did people in individualist cultures. Although the interpretation of those results is not completely clear, it is plausible that collectivists conform more than individualists because they give greater weight to collective goals and are more concerned about how other people view their behaviour and are affected by it.

John M. Levine

Milgram experiment, controversial series of experiments examining obedience to authority conducted by social psychologist Stanley Milgram. In the experiment, an authority figure, the conductor of the experiment, would instruct a volunteer participant, labeled the “teacher,” to administer painful, even dangerous, electric shocks to the “learner,” who was actually an actor. Although the shocks were faked, the experiments are widely considered unethical today due to the lack of proper disclosure, informed consent, and subsequent debriefing related to the deception and trauma experienced by the teachers. Some of Milgram’s conclusions have been called into question. Nevertheless, the experiments and their results have been widely cited for their insight into how average people respond to authority.

Milgram conducted his experiments as an assistant professor at Yale University in the early 1960s. In 1961 he began to recruit men from New Haven, Connecticut, for participation in a study he claimed would be focused on memory and learning. The recruits were paid $4.50 at the beginning of the study and were generally between the ages of 20 and 50 and from a variety of employment backgrounds. When they volunteered, they were told that the experiment would test the effect of punishment on learning ability. In truth, the volunteers were the subjects of an experiment on obedience to authority. In all, about 780 people, only about 40 of them women, participated in the experiments, and Milgram published his results in 1963.

Volunteers were told that they would be randomly assigned either a “teacher” or “learner” role, with each teacher administering electric shocks to a learner in another room if the learner failed to answer questions correctly. In actuality, the random draw was fixed so that all the volunteer participants were assigned to the teacher role and the actors were assigned to the learner role. The teachers were then instructed in the electroshock “punishment” they would be administering, with 30 shock levels ranging from 15 to 450 volts. The different shock levels were labeled with descriptions of their effects, such as “Slight Shock,” “Intense Shock,” and “Danger: Severe Shock,” with the final label a grim “XXX.” Each teacher was given a 45-volt shock themselves so that they would better understand the punishment they believed the learner would be receiving. Teachers were then given a series of questions for the learner to answer, with each incorrect answer generally earning the learner a progressively stronger shock. The actor portraying the learner, who was seated out of sight of the teacher, had pre-recorded responses to these shocks that ranged from grunts of pain to screaming and pleading, claims of suffering a heart condition, and eventually dead silence. The experimenter, acting as an authority figure, would encourage the teachers to continue administering shocks, telling them with scripted responses that the experiment must continue despite the reactions of the learner. The infamous result of these experiments was that a disturbingly high number of the teachers were willing to proceed to the maximum voltage level, despite the pleas of the learner and the supposed danger of proceeding.

Milgram’s interest in the subject of authority, and his dark view of the results of his experiments, were deeply informed by his Jewish identity and the context of the Holocaust, which had occurred only a few years before. He had expected that Americans, known for their individualism, would differ from Germans in their willingness to obey authority when it might lead to harming others. Milgram and his students had predicted only 1–3% of participants would administer the maximum shock level. However, in his first official study, 26 of 40 male participants (65%) were convinced to do so and nearly 80% of teachers that continued to administer shocks after 150 volts—the point at which the learner was heard to scream—continued to the maximum of 450 volts. Teachers displayed a range of negative emotional responses to the experiment even as they continued to obey, sometimes pleading with the experimenters to stop the experiment while still participating in it. One teacher believed that he had killed the learner and was moved to tears when he eventually found out that he had not.

Milgram included several variants on the original design of the experiment. In one, the teachers were allowed to select their own voltage levels. In this case, only about 2.5% of participants used the maximum shock level, indicating that they were not inclined to do so without the prompting of an authority figure. In another, there were three teachers, two of whom were not test subjects, but instead had been instructed to protest against the shocks. The existence of peers protesting the experiment made the volunteer teachers less likely to obey. Teachers were also less likely to obey in a variant where they could see the learner and were forced to interact with him.

The Milgram experiment has been highly controversial, both for the ethics of its design and for the reliability of its results and conclusions. It is commonly accepted that the ethics of the experiment would be rejected by mainstream science today, due not only to the handling of the deception involved but also to the extreme stress placed on the teachers, who often reacted emotionally to the experiment and were not debriefed. Some teachers were actually left believing they had genuinely and repeatedly shocked a learner before having the truth revealed to them later. Later researchers examining Milgram’s data also found that the experimenters conducting the tests had sometimes gone off-script in their attempts to coerce the teachers into continuing, and noted that some teachers guessed that they were the subjects of the experiment. However, attempts to validate Milgram’s findings in more ethical ways have often produced similar results.

Stephen Eldridge